Ethan Poole University of Massachusetts Amherst

A configurational account of Finnish case Summary: This paper presents a configurational account of Finnishmorphological case wherein CP and vP phases serve as the local domains for case competition. I argue that, in the phasebased configurational case model, a DP with unmarked case located at the edge of phase α partakes in case competition at the next highest phase β such that it can receivemarked case in β. This model accounts for two otherwise disjoint phenomena in Finnish: nominative-genitive case competition and the partitive-nominative/genitive object case alternation. Background: In the configurational model, the calculus of morphological case proceeds along Marantz’s (1991) disjunctive case hierarchy (1). First, each lexical head assigns the respective idiosyncratic lexical case to its sister, e.g. quirky case. Second, for each pair of remaining DPs with unvalued case within the phase, one DP in the pair is assigned marked case (NOM-ACC languages: the lower, ERG-ABS languages: the higher), i.e. case competition. Third, any DP whose case is still unvalued is assigned unmarked case. Data: At the clausal level, the external argument (EA), the internal argument (IA), and measure and multiplicative adjuncts compete for nominative case wherein the highest DP is nominative and all other lower DPs are genitive. For example, in (2a), the EA is nominative because it is higher than the two adjuncts; note that the IA Kekkoseen has been assigned lexical case by the verb luottaa ‘trust’ and therefore does not partake in the case competition. When (2a) is passivised in (2b)-(2c) and the EA is removed, the highest adjunct is nominative. The case of the IA is also contingent on the telicity of the eventuality. In an atelic eventuality, the IA is partitive (3a). In a telic eventuality, the IA is nominative or genitive (3b), depending on the outcome of the case competition discussed above. Proposal: At the vP-phase level, genitive is the unmarked case and partitive is the marked case. Following Kratzer (2004), v optionally bears a [TELIC] featurewhich yields a telic interpretation of the eventuality. When v bears [TELIC], it establishes an Agree relationship with the IA which causes it to raise to [Spec, vP]; otherwise, the IA remains in-situ. When the EA is merged in [Spec, vP], the phase is complete. The case calculus assigns marked partitive case to the IA if it has remained in-situ. However, if the IA has raised to [Spec, vP], it is at the same structural position as the EA such that neither is higher than the other and both receive unmarked genitive case (which surfaces in various infinitival constructions). This is schematised in (4b). At the CP-phase level, nominative is the unmarked case and genitive is the marked case. Crucial to this analysis is the proposal that a DP at the edge of a phase partakes in case competition at the next highest phase. This follows from general assumptions about Phase Theory that elements at the edge can take part in operations in the next phase. In Finnish, it allows the IA of telic eventualities to participate in case competition at the CP-phase level. EAs, IAs raised by [TELIC], and measure and multiplicative adjuncts compete for nominative case. The EA raises to [Spec, TP] for the EPP such that it is the structurally highest DP in the phase. The case calculus assigns marked genitive case to the raised IA and any adjuncts and unmarked nominative case to the EA. This is schematised in (4a). If there is no EA, e.g. in a passive, the IA raises to [Spec, TP] for the EPP and therefore is assigned unmarked nominative case. Implications: In the phase-based configurational case model, if DPs at the phase edge can be reassigned case at the next highest phase, themodel can account for a wide variety of “two step” case patterns, such as the object case alternation in Finnish. This approach can also account for case patterns involving the vP and DP phases, such as Finnish and Estonian numeral constructions where the numeral reflects the DP’s structural case and the NP is partitive.